Nigeria is a deeply divided country. Relations between the Igbo and the Yoruba, in general, are bad. Coexistence between Fulani ranchers and farming communities in the Central Belt of Nigeria deteriorated thirty years ago in a dynamic of death and revenge in the form of a vicious circle. Boko Haram rampages in the northeast; kidnappings terrorize the entire national territory.

There are multiple independence movements (such as the Yoruba, the Ijaw or the Igbo) that deny the Nigerian State and, on occasions, have chosen force of arms to express their position. The the voice of Donald Trump was heard above this storm that we call Nigeria, by publishing a blunt message on its social networks regarding the situation of Christians in the African country.

In his usual style, the American president assured that “if the Nigerian Government continues to allow the murder of Christians, the United States will immediately stop its aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may also go to that now unfortunate country with weapons in hand to completely wipe out the Islamic terrorists who are committing these atrocities.”

His message made an immediate impression.

The Nigerian Government issued a statement reaffirming its sovereignty and the peaceful coexistence between Muslims and Christians, while completely rejecting Washington’s position; but a large number of Nigerians applauded Trump.

Biafra-Texas Connection

Because Nigeria is a divided country. Some embrace national unity and reject any form of foreign interventionism; others long for the flight of American fighter-bombers over their land. Among this last group, important members of the Igbo community stand out.

With a population of more than 35 million people, they make up the third largest ethnic group in Nigeria and the majority in the southeast of the country. It was the Igbo, precisely, the precursors of the well-known Biafran War (1967-1970), which pitted the self-proclaimed Igbo State of Biafra against the rest of Nigeria. That is to say, Igbo nationalism is strong, influential and capable of affecting all of Nigeria.

Not for nothing is Igbo one of the main candidates for the 2023 elections, Peter Obi; o its education system is recognized as one of the largest business incubators in West Africa.

During the Biafra conflict, large numbers of refugees migrated to the United States, and this trend continued in the following decades.

According to data provided by the Joshua Project, around 230,000 Igbo live today in the United States, where the largest community (which is also the largest Igbo diaspora on the planet) is located in Texas. In Houston and Dallas. Around 50,000 people. And all this would be without considering that the Igbo, along with the Yoruba, are the two majority African ethnic groups in terms of slave ancestry of current African Americans.

This important Igbo presence in the US has translated into growing influence through different organizations. He World Igbo Congress (WIC), with its historic headquarters in Houston, acts as an umbrella for Igbo organizations in the diaspora, while issuing positions and organizing annual conventions.

Figure how “global organization for the promotion and protection of Ndi-Igbo” and it is one of the references when talking about advocacy Igbo in the country. Kingdom of Ndigbo It also acts as a “mother” sociocultural entity and has chapters in the US and Canada that serve to develop the cultural sphere and defend Igbo interests before local authorities and public forums.

They also highlight the Igbo World Assembly (IWA) and the Igbo Council of Traditional Title Holders.

All of these groups maintain their own share of influence in American politics. Their ties are strong with evangelical churches (the Igbo are one of the most Christianized ethnic groups in West Africa) and their values ​​fit better with those proclaimed by conservatism regarding family, religion or sexual morality.

Therefore, it is reaffirmed that those who push this intervention the most are certain sectors of the Igbo diaspora and pro-Biafra groups; For their part, yes, other federalist Igbos are betting on diplomatic pressure instead of military intervention.

The examples are abundant. Simon EmonBiafran separatist leader, signed a major lobbying agreement in August 2024, worth $130,000, with the firm Moran Global Strategies (MGS).

The agreement aims to facilitate high-level advocacy and strategic engagement with key players in Washington DC, including legislators, policymakers and influential think tanks, to drive mobilization for the independent State of Biafra. It also includes issues such as “human rights violations, religious freedom issues, including the persecution of Nigerian Christians.”

His organization (IPOB, considered terrorist in Nigeria) has called for a march in Washington in early November to support Trump’s intervention in the African country. Among other issues, they demand the imposition of targeted sanctions on individuals in the Nigerian Government who, in their opinion, are allies of Islamic terrorists operating in the country.

It is worth knowing at this point that the Fulani presence (to whom the attacks against Christians are attributed) is residual in Igbo territory and that the attacks are recorded in other areas of the country, somewhat further north. In fact, it is recognized that the greatest security challenges in Igbo territory are linked to separatist movements rather than any Fulani or Muslim action.

Port Harcourt in focus

A logical question then arises: could it be said that the Igbo take advantage of their ties with American conservatism and evangelical churches to use the religious issue in Nigeria as a tool to advance their separatist agenda?

The answer is yes.

Among Igbo accounts on social media, nationalist messages mix with applause for Trump’s recent announcement. For example, the page Facebook of Radio Biafra London announced that “Nigeria has been sanctioned by Trump. The battle has just begun. #IPOB and many others who have fought this battle deserve recognition.”

own account X of IPOB has applauded the initiative repeatedly over the last few days and numerous users are calling for pressure to be maintained in this area.

The proposal of Walid PharesSecretary General of the Transatlantic Parliamentary Group, that the United States establish its emergency operations base in Nigeria, in the city of Port Harcourt. Phares indicated that “the main port city of Biafra” is the ideal point to “deliver humanitarian aid, with particular assistance to American churches.”

Small detail: Port Harcourt has not been part of Igbo territory (or Biafra) since the 1960s. And again the shadow of Igbo interests is perceived in this section.

Since 1967, when the Federal Government created Rivers State to separate the Delta minorities (Ijaw, Ogoni, Ikwerre) from the Igbo core of the old Eastern Region, and especially since the seizure of Port Harcourt by the Federal Army in May 1968, the city ceased to be under Igbo control. This deprived thousands of Igbo families of homes and businesses there.

This historical rupture explains why Port Harcourt today retains a symbolic load for Igbo sectors (due to the memory of dispossession and access to the sea), in addition to an obvious economic-strategic interest: it is the great oil and port node of the country.

It is not surprising, therefore, that in nationalist rhetoric some rename it Igweocha and invoke it as a natural “gate” to an empowered southeast, although the local elites of the delta emphasize their own identity and veto any pretension of Igbo hegemony.

In fact, Asari Dokubohistorical rebel leader of the Ijaw community, recently broadcast a video in which he attacked the Igbo for their support of Trump and where he swore that “Nigerians will fight against them and destroy them [a los estadounidenses]”.

And it is worth knowing that the soldiers under Dokubo are actively fighting Boko Haram today.

Nigeria is a political beast with enormous complexity that transcends borders. When it comes to reading the situation of Christians, the interests that may move Donald Trump and, above all, the interests that there may be in an intervention between Nigerian communities, the Igbo maintain a leading role. Nothing is what it seems. Or yes it is, but you have to dig deep into Nigerian soil to understand it.



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