Since the beginning of 2025, Mali has witnessed a rapid internal escalation, represented by the extension of the transitional phase, increasing security tensions in the north, and a decline in political freedoms, which prompted a wave of international and regional criticism.
Today, the country is experiencing a worsening economic and security crisis due to fuel shortages and escalating military pressures, but this crisis – instead of weakening the Sahel alliance, which includes Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali – has become a strategic lever for its cohesion, and accelerates its steps towards separation from traditional systems, according to what analysts say.
From isolation to cluster architecture
Today, Mali is the main driver of the Sahel coalition, not only because of its geographical location, but also because it is the most advanced in the path of secession from the Western system.
After expelling French forces and strengthening cooperation with Russia, Mali entered the stage of redefining its regional relations, and found in Niger and Burkina Faso partners who shared its vision and destiny.
The financial authorities consider that regional institutions such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) no longer represent the interests of the peoples of the Sahel, but rather are subject to external influence seeking to re-impose political and economic guardianship.
Hence, the idea of establishing the “Sahel Alliance” came to be an alternative framework that expresses national sovereignty and redraws the map of regional relations.
The Sahel coalition began as a defense agreement between Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso in 2023, and evolved into a regional confederation in 2024 that seeks political, security, and economic independence from traditional systems such as ECOWAS.
On September 16, 2023, the three countries signed a mutual defense agreement, where the charter stipulated assistance to any of them exposed to internal rebellion or external aggression, and to establish a framework for collective defense and mutual support.
The agreement came in the wake of a series of military coups witnessed by the three countries, and escalating tensions with France and ECOWAS.
Building a unified judicial system
In a move that reflects increased coordination among the Sahel countries, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso announced a project to establish a unified judicial system that includes a regional human rights court and harmonized criminal legislation.
This approach aims to strengthen legal sovereignty and provide an alternative to international judicial institutions that the three countries consider biased and inappropriate for their privacy.
The project comes in the context of the gradual separation from traditional regional systems, after the withdrawal from ECOWAS and the establishment of the Sahel Confederation.
Observers believe that this step represents an attempt to build an independent justice system that would consolidate legal cooperation and protect the coalition from external pressures.
Military cooperation: from defense to deterrence
The Sahel Alliance began as a security bloc aimed at confronting armed groups active in the contact zones between Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, but it quickly developed into an integrated defense project with the escalation of security threats, especially in the shared border areas.
The three countries have strengthened their military cooperation by organizing joint exercises, exchanging intelligence information, and establishing rapid intervention units, in an attempt to build self-defense capacity away from dependence on Western support.
This cooperation is considered one of the most cohesive aspects of the alliance, and it is also used as a tool to enhance internal legitimacy, especially in the absence of traditional democratic institutions.
Mali faces escalating security challenges on its borders with 7 countries: Algeria to the north, Niger to the east, Burkina Faso to the south, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea and Senegal to the southwest, and Mauritania to the west.
The borders with Niger and Burkina Faso are among the most fragile areas, where armed groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are active, taking advantage of the desert terrain and previous weak security coordination.
These groups carry out attacks and ambushes against the army and civilians, leading to widespread waves of displacement and creating security vacuums in vast areas of the north and center.
These borders also witness frequent infiltrations by armed elements and smuggling of weapons and drugs, which prompted the Malian authorities to intensify military deployment in sensitive border areas and enhance intelligence cooperation within the Sahel coalition.
In a dangerous development, the militants imposed a siege on vital supply routes, causing a stifling fuel crisis that affected daily life in the capital, Bamako, and major cities.
The attacks – which included the capital itself – are an indication of the ability of armed groups to penetrate urban areas, threatening national stability and complicating the government’s efforts to regain security control.
This growing defense cooperation between the Sahel countries expresses a clear desire to build an independent security system capable of facing the mounting challenges without relying on Western powers, in light of geopolitical transformations that are redrawing the features of influence in West Africa.
Alternatives to face economic challenges
Despite political and military cohesion, the Sahel coalition faces major economic challenges, most notably isolation from regional markets, difficulty in accessing international financing, and a decline in foreign investments.
The withdrawal of the three countries from ECOWAS also weakens their ability to benefit from the trade and financial facilities provided by the organization.
But in return, these countries are seeking to build alternatives, through cooperation with Russia and China, establishing internal financing mechanisms, and developing intra-regional trade.
There is also a trend towards establishing a regional bank for the Sahel countries, which will finance joint projects and reduce dependence on Western financial institutions.
What to expect?
According to many analyses, this current crisis in Mali is not considered a weakness for the Sahel coalition at the present time. It may be a catalyst for accelerating the steps to separate from the regional and international systems, and to build an independent political, legal, and security bloc.
This alliance is no longer just a reaction to coups, but has become an integrated political project that seeks to redefine regional relations from the perspective of sovereignty and common interests.
As the crisis in Mali continues, it seems that the Sahel Alliance is moving towards greater cohesion and is accumulating its institutional tools, in an effort to establish a new regional model that may redraw the map of West Africa for decades to come.