It is increasingly evident the irresponsible strategy of violence that the PRIAN and its partners from the Marea Rosa, the franchises of Claudio
It is the “Dirty War” strategy, the “Go Negative” that Jorge Castañeda suggested to them last year – in the middle of the presidential election campaign – and that, as a manual, they have unleashed, “the Dirty War, but seriously dirty, against Claudia, with everything,” said Castañeda, the former chancellor of the Fox Government, and although it did not work for them during the campaign, apparently they decided to intensify it now by injecting greater virulence and money.
And it is that stage, that of the marketing of hate and violence that is developed mainly in the digital sphere through bot farms on social networks that deploy extremely offensive, misogynistic campaigns against the President, with the use of false and incendiary videos prepared with artificial intelligence and that also include altering photographs that are quickly replicated, irresponsibly, even by corporate media.
And it is that same strategy that was already taken to the streets in the violent demonstrations set up as Generation Z, using the murder of Carlos Manzo as war booty.
I detailed in my previous video column the way in which Fox, Fernández de Cevallos, Alejandro Moreno, Francisco Martín Moreno – the one who spoke of burning people in the Zócalo -, and many other Prianistas and the Marea Rosa actively called for that march in which some of these characters did not miss the opportunity to make clear their “support” for Salinas Pliego in his decision to evade taxes and resist complying with the law.
The traces of the described strategy are being left by the PRI members and their employees. The announcement was made by the leader of the National Action Party (PAN), Jorge Romero.
Last June, a few days after the election of the Judiciary, in front of the microphone in the studio of Formula Radiointerviewed by Azucena Uresti said “what we lack in the opposition is literally violence, if someone in the opposition is going to decide it.” As a preamble, the host alluded to the results of the election of the Judiciary.
“So, the opposition couldn’t do anything?” asked the driver.
“What’s happening, Azu… and I swear I don’t want to sound like that, I don’t even know what word to say…” Romero says and continues: “I’m telling things as they are… what the opposition is literally missing is violence, if someone from the opposition is going to decide it.”
And it seems that it was the starting signal. Four months later, in October Romero announced the “relaunch” of the PAN raising fascist messages, and as guests the Marea Rosa, the former INE advisors, Claudio X. González and his franchises, and politicians such as Mayor Alessandra Rojo de la Vega.
And a month later, young people who have worked for the PAN in its social media strategies appeared in the 15N march that initially and with the massive use of bot farms was called from social networks and which was replicated by the same people who participated in the relaunch of the PAN, by the same people who were previously in the Pink Tide calls.
The 15N march became a space for violent actions, to transfer messages of hate, misogyny, insults, slander and anti-Semitism against the President from social networks. Journalist Alejandro Meléndez documented the participation of joint groups and organized crime groups.
And while social networks were overflowing with videos made with artificial intelligence that showed inflammatory images, fake videos that were spread and retweeted by Fox and other scavengers.
For the second march with the false flag of Generation Z, which was attended by only 150 people, what stood out was not the number of participants but the tone of their insults and openly misogynistic, fascist messages.
The coverage that the Salinas Pliego corporate media carried out on those marches, and in the subsequent days, has been full of false information, reproducing and echoing misogynistic messages against the President, a hate campaign that intensified after the historic ruling of the Supreme Court to discard the protections promoted by Salinas Pliego with which he intended to continue evading the payment of taxes.
The same strategy of hatred and aggressive messages is followed by the leader of the tricolor whose governments carried out genocidal acts such as the massacre of ’68, the Halconazo, massacres such as that of Aguas Blancas, Acteal, torture and sexual abuse in Atenco, and true repression of social demonstrations.
In his networks, Alejandro Moreno, leader of the PRI, launches insults and messages of hate while using the spaces in Congress for press conferences where they display posters and bloody hats as props. It omits the true repressive actions that not only the presidents emanating from their party, but also their governors, carried out in the face of social demonstrations. Like the repression of Ulises Ruiz against the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca and the teachers, whose demonstrations were violently repressed by the PRI governor.
In those years I covered the mobilizations journalistically and the reporters went out to do our work with the greatest caution and fear, especially during the nights when paramilitary groups operated under the auspices of the state police and the Federal Preventive Police sent by the PAN government of Fox. In the months that the demonstrations lasted, the International Civil Commission for the Observation of Human Rights recorded 26 deaths, including the murder of an American journalist, and hundreds of arbitrary arrests.
That is the story of PRI members repressing demonstrations that Alejandro Moreno omits in his messages in which there are no arguments, but only insults and that he shouts from the spaces where he holds positions such as Senator, and as leader of a party that lives on public resources.
A few days ago, in the Congress of Mexico City it was stated that there was evidence that the Mayor of Cuauhtémoc, Alessandra Rojo de la Vega, and that of Miguel Hidalgo, Mauricio Tabe, had coerced people to participate in the 15N demonstration and an initiative was announced for a special commission to investigate the issue.
On November 21, during the working table with the Congress of Mexico City attended by the Mayor of Cuauhtémoc, posters were displayed that read: “The black block charges in Cuauhtémoc”, and screenshots were presented that, according to legislator Cecilia Vadillo – a member of the Morena parliamentary group – who presented those screenshots, such evidence would reveal how the Mayor’s Office “was manipulated, forced to the street vendors threatening to take away their stalls and their permit so that they would have to attend the march.”
And she added that “we also have evidence that generators of violence were sent from the Mayor’s Office to this march. Today we have evidence at this moment to affirm that the black bloc that generated violence in the march charges in Cuauhtémoc and that it was orchestrated by its administration,” the legislator told Rojo de la Vega.
It is very relevant to thoroughly investigate who financed and mobilized those who carried out the violent actions of 15N, that they be identified whether they are politicians, public officials or individuals, because the episodes I described show that violence as a strategy that Romero spoke about is what they are applying, that they operate on social networks through bot farms that spread hate messages that they have also taken to the streets.
The strategy of violence that the PRI members and their partners launched will grow. It is, in Romero’s terms, “what they were missing,” and includes fantasies of legislators asking Trump for US intervention.
One more element of how they are being articulated are the recent statements by Jorge Romero to the newspaper The Country during an interview in which he included Salinas Pliego in his list of prospects for the presidential candidacy for 2030, this explains why during the 15N march phrases of “support” for Salinas Pliego were launched; It would seem that the PAN seeks to champion his candidacy.
Regardless of whether the opposition decided to make a tax evader its candidate for any position, public servants and political actors have a responsibility not only to perform their duties well, but also to conduct themselves with ethics and social responsibility. The same occurs with journalistic work, but disseminating messages of hate is unethical and irresponsible.
The messages of hate and incitement to violence disseminated by political figures are unacceptable; normalizing them becomes much riskier in a country where we have lived through bloodshed for so many years. The incitement to violence is not an anecdote, it requires social reflection, because the culture of peace is one of the pending tasks that we owe ourselves as a society, in which political actors should have enormous responsibility.